Fundamentals of Interactive Journalism

Now that I’ve overcome the lack of timeliness with this post by luring you in with that dramatic title that will probably be used by Oliver Stone in his next installment of the presidential docudrama series, please play the following clip.

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That was the scene at Solomon’s Porch in the Bedford Stuyvesant neighborhood of Brooklyn when MSNBC pronounced Barack Obama the projected President-Elect of the United States on Election Day night.

To be in New York City that night was a blessing for me. Not because I’m some Obamaniac and I could carouse with my liberal brethren, but because I got to witness the spectacle that was New York City on the night of Nov. 4, 2008.

Well… Brooklyn actually. I didn’t get to Manhattan.

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Baba Baro celebrates Obama's win in his neighborhood of Bed-Stuy in Brooklyn on Election Day night.

I really only ran into Obama supporters, so I don’t know what McCain backers were doing that night. If I was a McCain supporter, instead of the totally non-partisan, non-biased, non-feeling pressbot that I am, I would at least come out to witness people going absolutely crazy in a totally non-violent way (with the possible exception of Williamsburg, but those kids don’t count). It was history in the making and we were all there, regardless of who we voted for. When reflecting on the events of November 9, 1989, even the highest ranking GDR official has to say to himself, “zat vas pretty cool.”

Not that I’m comparing McCain supporters to Stalinist fascists, but it’s a convenient analogy because, like then in Berlin, a barrier fell in America almost 19 years later.

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Manuel Williams of Canarsie, Brooklyn celebrates at Solomon's Porch in Bed-Stuy, Brooklyn as President-elect Barack Obama takes the stage in Chicago for his victory speech on Tuesday night, Nov. 4, 2008.

With most significant historical events, I believe that it is the reaction to the event, rather than the event itself, that makes it significant. Obviously, we all knew that Obama is black throughout the election. However, he didn’t present himself as a black candidate any more than McCain presented himself as a white candidate. When race came up, Obama addressed it eloquently and dispassionately, and it was again put on the back burner. At the end, it was two intelligent, qualified candidates running for office and race became somewhat of a non-issue. That is, until Election Night.

I shouldn’t have been, but I was really surprised how much talk there was on the streets and in the media about the First Black President (or the second, if you agree with Toni Morrison, who has recently rescinded her 1998 opinion). It would be redundant to speak further on this when my classmate Sophie Cocke has already put it so well. Besides, I would be remiss if I didn’t mention John McCain on that night.

John McCain makes his concession speech in Arizona on Election night. (UPI Photo/Alexis C. Glenn)

I have the feeling that McCain had been working on his concession speech for quite a while because it was absolutely fantastic (even if his supporters in attendance weren’t as gracious). When I heard that speech, I remembered why I was happy to see McCain get the nod from the GOP, because either way there would be change in the White House. But it seems that nod had some preconditions and even the Maverick had to kowtow to the Republican base and its campaign methods. His stance on some key issues notwithstanding, I think McCain is an intelligent and earnest leader, and the character he displayed (and referenced ad nauseum) in Vietnam is as important a credential as his 30+ years in the Senate. It’s unfortunate for him and his supporters that his concession speech was the first glimpse we’ve seen of The Real McCain in a long time because if he’d run his entire campaign with the same grace, he might be President-Elect McCain now.

But, of course, the day was Obama’s.

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Obama greets his supporters in Grant Park in Chicago on Election Night. (VII photo by Ron Haviv)

***BLOGGER’S NOTE***

Love it or hate it, Iowa’s first-in-the-nation primary got things going for Obama. Here are a couple of pictures I took in my home town of Davenport for my former paper during the months he (basically) lived in Iowa.

Yesterday Amy began an interesting and relevant conversation about this issue especially as we rapidly approach this year’s Election Day. Also, Jackie, drawing on her prior legal experience, added fascinating insight (as well as the human side of the story).

After reading the comments from Amy’s post, I thought maybe this issue needed its own post for ongoing discussion.

First, if you are interested in knowing what New York State felonies are, this site provides a list by offense level. Did you know there are A1 and A2 level felonies, B violent felonies, B non-violent felonies, C violent felonies, C non-violent felonies, D violent felonies, D non-violent felonies, and E felonies? Have a look at the lists. You may be surprised by what you see — and let’s not forget the broad discretion prosecutors have in deciding what charges should be brought in cases.

In New York State if you are convicted of any of the above, you will lose your right to vote (until you are on probation). It is also very hard to get a job (much less a good one) after a felony conviction.

FairVote2020 has some neat interactive charts and maps with loads of good information about felony disenfranchisement across the U.S. by state.

Dan Filler, blogging at the Faculty Lounge, writes:

Felon disenfranchisement has an intuitive appeal – we deny the right to vote to those who breach the fundamental social contract and violate the law.  But these laws have deeply racist roots and a dramatically disparate racial impact today.  There is also a deep democratic problem with the policy; as we criminalize and prosecute more and more conduct, we passively strip more and more citizens of voting rights.

Most states added felon disenfranchisement laws in the aftermath of the Civil War. It is no coincidence that more people gained the right to vote at that exact moment (at least in writing on the Federal level, via the 13th, 14th, 15th, and later the 19th amendments). Only two states allow everyone to vote (including those who are incarcerated): Vermont and Maine. Those two states are each almost 97% white (the highest white populations by state).

For more information and the latest news, see the Right To Vote Campaign, a collaboration between the ACLU, the Brennan Center for Justice, and The Sentencing Project. The Right To Vote Campaign has led on this issue, but its own Web site has been down recently for some reason.

Late Update (9/14/08): See this New York Times article from Sunday’s edition, “States Restore Voting Rights for Ex-Convicts, but Issue Remains Politically Sensitive” and accompanying multimedia map from The Sentencing Project.